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    Autopoietic Theory and Social Systems: Theory and Practice
Background
    The aspect of autopoietic theory most important to enterprise researchers 
    is its attitude and application to the study of human (inter-)activity and 
    the social systems within which this occurs. This point of intersection has 
    already been employed in social / management analyses of enterprises and / 
    or their information technology needs. In the information technology (IT) 
    community, Winograd and Flores (1986) are the most widely known and cited 
    authors who invoke autopoietic theory in analyzing enterprise activities. 
    Morgan (1986) makes extensive use of autopoiesis in discussing the form, function, 
    and character of enterprises. Von Krogh and Roos (1995) apply principles from 
    autopoietic theory in laying out a schema for corporate knowledge building. 
    Mingers (1994) analyzes the points of similarity between autopoietic theory 
    and sociologist Anthony Giddens' structuration theory, which is becoming popular 
    in MIS and CSCW circles under the label Adaptive Structuration Theory (AST). 
  
The issue of how autopoiesis can or should be applied to social systems is an ongoing topic of debate (cf. Zeleny, 1980; Benseler, Hejl & Kock, 1980; Zeleny,1981; Ulrich & Probst, 1984; Mingers, 1994). In the sections below, some of the key issues to date will be reviewed. This overview will necessarily be brief and shallow. Further information on these topics can be obtained through the references and resources provided.
For our purposes, it's enough to note there are two primary approaches in applying autopoiesis to social systems. The first applies the formal aspects of autopoietic theory (e.g., organization; autopoiesis) to the social system itself. The second derives an explanation of the social system from the phenomenological aspects of the theory (e.g., the observer; languaging). These two approaches have demarcated the lines of debate over the years. Before reviewing these alternatives in more detail, we shall briefly review what Maturana and Varela themselves have to say about social systems.
    Maturana and Varela on Social Systems
Maturana on social systems
    Maturana (1980) considers social systems as emergent from or constituted by 
    the interactivity of their participants, not as a priori abstract units. To 
    Maturana, social systems are realized primarily in linguistic (consensual) 
    domains. The character of a social system is dependent on the specific interactions 
    among its participants and varies with changes in those interactions (e.g., 
    regarding frequency, connectivity, membership). As a medium, the social system 
    exerts influence upon individual participants through affordances for and 
    regularities in their interactivity, and this influence is recursively exercised 
    upon the emergent social system through the participants' ongoing interactions. 
    The participants may operate in multiple social systems (e.g., teams, clubs), 
    although within each one they function as if engaged in a distinct domain 
    of interactions. Distinctions (to an observer) among behaviors in different 
    such settings are construed as roles delineating individual activity within 
    the respective social domains. Because these roles are dynamic descriptions, 
    the participant (as an observer) may recursively distinguish among them, allowing 
    her to differentiate among (and realize) multiple such roles within one such 
    social domain. 
    Varela on social systems
    Varela (1981a; 1981b;1989) disagrees with ascriptions of autopoiesis to human 
    institutions, and labels such attempts as categorically mistaken. He does 
    allow for addressing enterprises as exhibiting autonomy rather than autopoiesis 
    (cf. Varela, 1979 , pp. 54-57). 
What difference does the autonomy / autopoiesis distinction make in addressing social systems? Varela considers autopoiesis as a distinct case of autonomy in which a system produces its own components (i.e., its structure), the paradigmatic case being chemical productions in living systems. Varela claims '...it seems very farfetched to describe social interactions in terms of production of components' (Varela, 1981a, p. 15) because '[T]he kinds of relations that define units like a firm ... or a conversation ... are better captured by operations other than productions. Such units are autonomous, but with an organizational closure that is characterizable in terms of relations such as instructions and linguistic agreement.' (Varela, 1981b, p. 38)
Varela's reservations are rooted in the formalizations he co-created. For example, an autopoietic system's production of its own components provides it with a 'topological boundary' delineated in the space in which it is realized. The existence and character of such a boundary is one of the formal criteria by which a system is attributed autopoiesis (Varela, Maturana & Uribe, 1974). Social systems do not exhibit any such topological boundary, and this has been one of the main points upon which attributions of autopoiesis to social systems have been criticized (cf. Mingers, 1994). Falling back to an ascription of autonomy rather than autopoiesis would avoid many of these criticisms. Varela, however, does not promote the idea of social systems as autonomous -- he merely leaves the issue open.
    Approach I: Enterprises as Autopoietic Systems
    One approach in applying autopoietic theory to enterprises is to treat the 
    enterprise itself as a unit system to which autopoiesis is ascribed. An enterprise 
    in this view provides the static and the dynamic framework within which the 
    presence and behaviors of its participating subsystems (including people) 
    are realized. For this to work, the enterprise must be analyzable as a coherent 
    network of objects and processes. Because such analyses are the hallmark of 
    many social and organizational science studies, this has been the approach 
    by which most writers have attempted to apply Maturana and Varela's ideas 
    to enterprises. The best-known proponent of this approach is the German sociologist 
    Niklas Luhmann, who fit autopoiesis into his ongoing systemic analysis of 
    society (e.g., Luhmann, 1982; 1984; 1986; 1995). An overview of the salient 
    points is given in Bednarz (1988). A detailed presentation and analysis of 
    Luhmann's ideas can be found in Mingers (1994), and von Krogh and Roos (1995) 
    discuss him throughout their book. 
Maturana and Varela's views on social systems are problematical for those who want to employ the concept of autopoiesis, but prefer to address an enterprise as something distinct from its participants. If human beings are the constituent elements of a social system, how can the social system (itself) be considered self-reproducing in terms of the humans? Luhmann's solution is to search for some constituent element other than humans. The rationale is that '...social processes must correspondingly produce social components if the concept of autopoiesis is to be extended to the social domain with any validity.' (Bednarz, 1988, p. 61)
Luhmann redefined social systems as being realized in a domain of 'communications'. In other words, the constituent elements of the social system are communications, and the required conditions for autopoiesis are met in terms of such communications. This has the advantage of describing the system in terms of its operational characteristics, independent from the specific participants in that system at any given time. Luhmann's approach is radical in the sense that it treats social systems solely in terms of 'communications', making the human participants peripheral components at most. His ideas are most persuasive in his specific application of the principles to the field of law (cf. Teubner, 1988), where highly-structured 'communications' are more easily considered as a network unto themselves than is the case for most enterprises.
Luhmann's approach resembles conventional organizational studies in its focus on the enterprise as the primary object of concern. However, his ideas are problematical with respect to autopoietic theory itself. For example, a system can be considered autopoietic to the extent it realizes the necessary relations in a given space. Luhmann has not provided a comprehensive definition of the space in which his 'communications' are manifested. The most common informal reaction to Luhmann's approach is apprehension about his having effectively filtered humans out of his model. Mingers (1994) discusses these and a number of other problems with Luhmann's approach. The papers in Teubner (1988) provide an extended debate over Luhmann's ideas with specific regard to law as an autopoietic system.
    Approach II: Enterprises as Emergent From Interactivity
    The other main approach is to treat social systems as constitutively emergent 
    from interactivity among their participants. This approach takes the individual 
    and collective participants as the fundamental objects of interest. The 'enterprise' 
    itself is addressed as the emergent phenomenon which is conventionally described 
    as an 'organization'. Excluding Maturana and Varela themselves, the most cogent 
    alternative to Luhmann's analysis of autopoiesis and social systems comes 
    from another German sociologist -- Peter Hejl -- who provides a concise, detailed 
    analysis with regard to systems theory in general and autopoietic theory in 
    particular (Hejl: 1980; 1981; 1984). 
Hejl's (1980; 1981) starting point is a critique of prior attempts to define social systems as entities in and of themselves (e.g., sociological structuralism and functionalism). He sets out to explore the idea of society as "...the process in which individuals interact with one another and with their natural (real) environment under the primacy of self-preservation." (p. 176). In other words, what had since Durkheim been considered a stable or evolving structural entity (i.e., society as a unit object of which individuals are merely members) was to be analyzed as an emergent effect of individuals' mutual interactivity. Hejl goes on (1984) to lay out firm definitions for 3 key concepts which had been given diverse / ambiguous definitions in earlier systems-theoretical literature, and sets strict specifications for their usage as follows:
    Self-organizing systems are those '...which, due to certain initial and limiting 
    conditions arise spontaneously as specific states or as sequences of states.' 
    (Op.cit., pp. 62 -63). 
    Self-maintaining systems are defined by Hejl as a series of '...systems in 
    which self-organizing systems 'produce' each other in an operationally closed 
    way.' (Op.cit., p. 63). 
    Self-referential systems '... organize the states of their components in an 
    operationally closed way.' (Ibid.). 
    Hejl concludes that none of these concepts can be considered necessary or 
    sufficient features of social systems. Social systems are definitely not self-maintaining, 
    because they do not directly generate the components which realize themselves 
    (their participants in fact generate the new components). The applicability 
    of self-maintenance is further complicated by the fact that these components 
    may participate in multiple social systems at any time, and they have the 
    ability to withdraw from participation entirely. These latter two factors 
    also make it difficult to define social systems on the basis of self-referentiality. 
    Social systems cannot be claimed as strictly self-organizing (in Hejl's definition) 
    because they are not spontaneous, and their complexity exceeds their own coalescence. 
    Phrased another way, Hejl demonstrates that criteria of whole system form 
    (e.g., autopoietic theory's formal aspects) are insufficient to define social 
    systems. 
Hejl then goes on to address the problem in a manner more analogous to autopoietic theory's phenomenological aspects. He defines social domains as being generated through "...a process of mutual interactions and hence modulation which results in a partial parallelization of the interacting systems." (1984, p. 68) This is basically a variation on consensual domains invoking 'parallelization' rather than 'mutual orientation'. What others had viewed as a unit social system, Hejl defined as an instantiation of a social domain -- "...a group of living systems which are characterized by a parallelization of one or several of their cognitive states and which interact with respect to these cognitive states." (Op.cit., p. 70)
In Hejl's view, social systems are defined in terms of an intersection between their composite identity and the individual participants. He characterizes such phenomena as syn-referential, i.e.:
"...constituted by components, i.e., living systems, that interact with 
    respect to a social domain. Thus the components of a syn-referential system 
    are necessarily individual living systems, but they are components only inasmuch 
    as they modulate one another's parallelized states through their interactions 
    in an operationally closed way." (1984, p. 75) 
    Syn-referentiality allows a view of interaction from an autopoietic perspective 
    which accounts for social domains in a manner fundamentally different from 
    that of traditional sociological approaches such as structuralism (e.g., Talcott 
    Parsons) or functionalism (e.g., Luhmann). Although Hejl's analysis invokes 
    some novel or variant conceptualizations, it should be clear that he is very 
    consistent with Maturana and Varela's statements on social systems. 
    Summary and Conclusions on Theory
    The longstanding debate between the social systemic approaches represented 
    by Luhmann and Hejl continues. The real crux of the matter is the question 
    of which portion(s) of autopoietic theory should be prioritized in addressing 
    social phenomena. The formal aspects of autopoietic theory (e.g., organization, 
    autopoiesis) dominate Luhmannian descriptions focusing on the enterprises 
    as unit wholes. Luhmann's concentration on 'communications' masks the fact 
    that his analysis ignores Maturana's account of languaging and excludes the 
    individual interactors from consideration. The derivative phenomenological 
    aspects of the theory (e.g., structural coupling, languaging) dominate Hejlian 
    descriptions of enterprises as regularities emergent from networks of languaging 
    actors. 
Whitaker (1993) demarcates this duality in terms of Hejl's syn-referentiality versus a corresponding 'sys-referentiality' exhibited in the Luhmann approach. The differing foci in these two modes of observation / analysis (syn = constituent units composing a system S; sys = unit system S in an environment) are complementary in the sense that one sets its boundary of observation (its 'horizon', to borrow the hermeneutic term) where the other's ends. Because of this partitioning of perspective, there has been very little engagement between the two viewpoints, and the debate (at least in the literature) has the character of two conversants 'talking past one another'.
This issue of perspective is explicitly addressed by Varela (1979, p. 85) in discussing the fundamental cognitive act of distinction:
    '...[T]he establishment of system boundaries is inescapably associated with 
    what I shall call a cognitive point of view, that is, a particular set of 
    presuppositions and attitudes, a perspective, or a frame in the sense of [Gregory] 
    Bateson ... or [Erving] Goffman...; in particular, it is associated with some 
    notion of value, or interest. It is also linked up with the cognitive capacities 
    ... of the distinctor. Conversely, the distinctions made reveal the cognitive 
    capabilities of the distinctor.' 
    In other words, the demarcation of a social system is contextualized with 
    respect to the observer effecting the demarcation. In the context of the present 
    discussion, such a position is 'given'. After all, the fundamental epistemological 
    tenet of autopoietic theory is that: 'Everything said is said by an observer'. 
    (Maturana & Varela, 1980, p. xix) It is an apparent conflict with this 
    basic dictum that makes the sys-referential approach of Luhmann interesting 
    but unconvincing from the strict viewpoint of Maturana and Varela's original 
    work. How can a sys-referential approach apply a theory emphasizing an 'observer' 
    to generate a view of social systems in which such 'observers' are irrelevant? 
    The burden of proof must fall on sys-referential analysts to explain, if they 
    can, just who it is that says (who can say) society is an autopoietic network 
    of communications abstracted from communicators and devoid of observers. Until 
    and unless this question is put to rest, the case for sys-referential application 
    of autopoiesis to social systems must be considered not (yet) fully made. 
  
But there is another -- more straightforward -- way to continue the argument for a sys-referential approach. Many of the theoretical problems of Luhmann's approach could be avoided by switching from a claim of enterprise autopoiesis to a claim of autonomy. Varela (1979) allows for this approach, and his discussion provides the foundation for its pursuit. Nonetheless, analysts committed to a sys-referential perspective continue to argue for the stricter case of autopoiesis. As will be discussed below, there have been few attempts to demonstrate that a social system exhibits autopoiesis, and (with the possible exception of the law) these attempts have not been persuasive. Given the popularity of Luhmann and his work, plus the conventional social / management science perspective of the 'enterprise' as a unit object, we should expect interest in a sys-referential approach to persist.
Perhaps the most sensible orientation is to leave this esoteric debate to the ivory towers and work with the non-controversial (syn-referential) aspects of the theory. Autopoietic theory provides ample concepts and principles to keep us busy with its application for many years to come. In the next section, some selected examples of such applications are presented.
    Selected Examples of Enterprise Applications
    Maturana and Varela's concepts have been applied in practical analysis and 
    (re-)engineering of enterprises and their information technology (IT) infrastructure(s). 
    The following subsections briefly describe examples of specific work in which 
    autopoietic theory has informed enterprise studies and / or corresponding 
    innovations in enterprise information technology. The applications which had 
    the least impact are those which have attempted to follow Luhmann in treating 
    their subject enterprises as autopoietic in and of themselves. The ones which 
    have had practical effect have built upon the epistemological / phenomenological 
    aspects of the theory. 
    Cybersyn and Stafford Beer's Viable Systems Model
    The application of autopoietic theory to enterprises dates back to the time 
    and place of the theory's origin. During the Allende regime in Chile, an ambitious 
    project named Cybersyn was undertaken to apply principles of cybernetics to 
    the integration and management of Chile's national economy. The 'prime contractor' 
    for this work was the British cyberneticist Stafford Beer, creator of the 
    Viable System Model (VSM) for cybernetic enterprise management. Maturana has 
    been cited as one of the sources for the ideas which underpinned the Cybersyn 
    work. Beer's Chilean work during the period 1971-1973 is described in his 
    book Brain of the Firm. 
The Cybersyn project was abruptly terminated with the September 1973 coup that overthrew the Allende government. Beer remained an enthusiastic advocate of Maturana and Varela's ideas (as evidenced by his preface in Maturana & Varela, 1980). His most recent work has been in applying cybernetic principles to the configuration of enterprise teams (Beer, 1994). Raul Espejo (Cybersyn's project manager) has continued his work on applying autopoietic theory in enterprise studies, and he has co-authored a book on Beer's VSM (Espejo & Harnden, 1989). Espejo's co-author Roger Harnden has explored enterprise applications of Beer's VSM with regard to Maturana's theory of linguistic interactions (Harnden, 1990).
    Winograd, Flores, and The Coordinator(tm)
    As a minister in the Allende government, Fernando Flores was involved in the 
    Cybersyn project. The 1986 book he co-authored with AI pioneer Terry Winograd 
    (Understanding Computers and Cognition) has become a key reference and point 
    of departure for enterprise and information technology researchers seeking 
    alternatives to prevailing rationalistic / cognitivistic research orientations. 
    Autopoietic theory is one of the main conceptual bases for the book's manifesto 
    outlining a new approach to enterprises and their usage of information technology. 
    Specifically, Maturana's view of communications in terms of 'languaging' and 
    'mutual orientation' is invoked in support of the book's focal example of 
    suggested IT innovation -- The Coordinator(tm), a structured messaging system 
    introduced and marketed by Action Technologies. 
The Coordinator was designed to give workers a channel for communications specifically tailored to the generation, negotiation, and tracking of 'commitments' for action. Messages were structured in accordance with Winograd and Flores' 'conversation for action' model and John Searle's formalization of the British philosopher John Austin's theory of 'speech acts'. In addition to facilitating operational coordination, use of The Coordinator was intended to promote enterprise learning: 'People's conscious knowledge of their participation in the network of commitment can be reinforced and developed, improving their capacity to act in the domain of language.' (Winograd & Flores, 1986, p. 162)
The introduction of The Coordinator was a landmark event in 'coordination systems' implementation. Over the decade since then, interest in 'coordination' has evolved into widespread development and implementation of 'workflow systems'. Action Technologies remains a major player in this movement with its Action Workflow(tm) model and products. Specific elements of The Coordinator's implementation (e.g., speech acts; political ramifications of structuring 'commitments') have been objects for pointed debate (Suchman, 1994; Winograd, 1994; CSCW,1995). These arguments, however, have not challenged Maturana's prioritization of languaging as the fundament for social systems generally and enterprises specifically.
    Analyses of Social Systems as Autopoietic Entities
    Luhmann's interpretation of social systems as autopoietic in and of themselves 
    has engendered much theoretical debate, but little in the way of concrete 
    analyses. Three social systems (broadly defined) have been the objects of 
    such analysis. 
    Law
    Gunther Teubner (Teubner, 1988; Teubner & Febbrajo, 1992) has been the 
    central proponent for interpretation of the legal system (broadly defined) 
    as an autopoietic entity. This can be seen as the application of cybernetic 
    principles to the ongoing debate among legal theorists concerning the status 
    of law as either (a) 'autonomous' and 'self-referring' or (b) 'derivative' 
    of the sociocultural setting in which it is realized. The 1988 compendium 
    Teubner edited focuses on Niklas Luhmann's analysis of law as an autopoietic 
    system -- the most persuasive articulation of Luhmann's approach to social 
    systems and autopoiesis thus far. The applicability of autopoietic theory 
    to law has created much debate, a summary analysis of which can be found in 
    Mingers (1994). 
Accounting
    Fenton Robb (e.g., 1989a; 1989b) has expanded on Luhmann's approach to the 
    extent of suggesting the existence of 'suprahuman' autopoietic systems permeating 
    social life. This stance led to a running debate with John Mingers in the 
    pages of the journal _Systems Practice_ from 1989 through 1991. In an attempt 
    to demonstrate the viability of modeling social systems as autopoietic unities, 
    Robb (1991) mapped out the field / profession of accounting as a network of 
    self-referring and self-replicating activities. He characterized this mapping 
    as a demonstration of 'virtual autopoiesis' -- addressing such social networks 
    as if they were autopoietic. The 'virtual' qualification was necessitated 
    by his contention that the suprahuman status of such hypothesized systems 
    render them incapable of comprehensive description and modeling by their participants. 
  
The Family
    Zeleny and Hufford (1992) pursue a Luhmannian approach (treating social systems 
    as autopoietic) via the radical claim that autopoietic systems are necessarily 
    social. They cite the family as the paradigmatic social system exhibiting 
    autopoiesis, and argue that families exhibit the required attributes of (a) 
    self-delineation and maintenance of a boundary and (b) self-(re-)production 
    of constituent components as delineated by Varela et al. (1974). Mingers' 
    extensive analysis of their arguments (1994, pp. 125-128) demonstrates that 
    these particular authors repeatedly confuse biological and social domains 
    in laying out their case. As such, Zeleny and Hufford's claims are interesting 
    but not persuasive. 
    Organizational Epistemology: von Krogh, Roos, and SENCORP
    The Swiss management professors Georg von Krogh and Johan Roos (1995) have 
    recently published an extensive analysis of autopoietic theory and its ramifications 
    for enterprise studies and interventions. Although they employ many of Luhmann's 
    ideas, they do not base themselves on a strong claim that an enterprise is 
    itself autopoietic. They apply the phenomenological aspects of autopoietic 
    theory to delineate the mechanisms, and Luhmann's approach to outline the 
    background, for a new approach to enterprise knowledge and the processes through 
    which it is accreted, evolved, and utilized (organizational epistemology). 
  
In contrast to prior work concentrating on enterprise knowledge content, these authors use autopoietic theory to illuminate knowledge process. After building a case for autopoiesis as a concept 'scalable' to the level of entire enterprises, they proceed to outline enterprise knowledge and knowledge building through analogy to Maturana and Varela's descriptions of the individual observer's phenomenology. As a concrete example, they introduce and analyze the SENCORP Management Model -- an innovative enterprise schema developed by the American corporation SENCORP and already in use for some 13 years.
    Configuring Enterprise IT and Activities for Languaging: Whitaker
    Maturana's anti-cognitivistic account of communication as 'languaging' opens 
    questions about current information technology (IT) and its prevailing deployment 
    as 'pipelines' and 'holding tanks' for information (seen as a quantum commodity). 
    As IT increasingly becomes the enterprise's functional 'skeleton' and the 
    medium for ongoing evolution (e.g., through BPR), it is critical to reassess 
    IT deployment and enterprise development activities to avoid crippling the 
    pursuit of tomorrow's paradigms with yesterday's approaches. Research and 
    practice in pursuit of this objective have progressed along 3 lines: 
    Configuring groupware for mutual orientation and self-organizing knowledge 
    base accretion.
    Current group (decision) support systems (G[D]SS) embody a rationalistic / 
    cognitivistic orientation to interaction and decision making, prioritizing 
    generation and compilation of text over mutual orientation among decision 
    makers (Whitaker, 1994). Whitaker (1992) applies autopoietic theory in generating 
    a specification for a hypertextual interface / application (the Tabula) emphasizing 
    contextual tracking, distinctions, and comparisons. The product from this 
    approach is an accreted base of presented and annotated material ordered with 
    respect to context of relevance and degree of consensus. 
Configuring hardware for mutual orientation.
    Languaging in teamwork is better served by mutually-accessible IT artifacts 
    than individually-accessed workstations. This is realistically accomplished 
    through 'ubiquitous computing' -- deploying IT artifacts as embedded portions 
    of the 'natural' workplace. Research into how teams can more constructively 
    interface with their IT support led to development of a demonstration prototype 
    group interface artifact unifying data display, entry, and manipulation at 
    one surface (Whitaker, Longinow & McNeese, 1995). 
Configuring enterprise (re-)engineering practices for mutual orientation 
    and self-organization.
    Whitaker (1995) describes 'nichepicking' -- an interactive process devised 
    to aid a management team in specifying their enterprise's 'niches' (domains 
    of operation) in support of policy making and planning. The procedure's goals 
    are framed with regard to Maturana and Varela's 'domain of interactions' concept. 
    The nichepicking procedure employs principles and practices deriving from 
    the Tabula and the group interface work listed above. The initial nichepicking 
    exercise was judged to have generated more useful material faster than prior 
    methods.